None of this justifies massacres, the promotion of hatred, and exclusionary policies. Beyond ethnic pride, the Arakanese resent that Rakhine is Burma’s second-poorest state despite its natural riches – the area’s timber, oil, gas and precious metals have for decades been pillaged by the military and their cronies.”Īnd finally, it’s also the case that Buddhists have faced retaliation attacks from Muslims in response to some of the initial attacks. The Arakanese were the ancestors of a small kingdom that used to control what is modern-day Rakhine State and, like many ethnic groups in Burma, they desire autonomy. ![]() “ The turmoil in Rakhine State” reports Brendan Brady from the Daily Beast, “ is further complicated by hostilities between the local Buddhist population, from the Arakanese ethnic group, and the Burman majority and central government they dominate. In Rakhine State, all of this is further complicated by local divisions amongst the Buddhist population. Global capitalist energy giants are aggressively pursuing Burma’s oil and natural gas reserves, fueling talk of economic recovery. In the wake of recent government reform efforts, there has also been a corresponding expansion of international business interest in Burma. Alongside all of that is an increasing effort by political leaders to promote equality and power sharing amongst the sexes. The horrors of entrenched sexism, human trafficking and sexual violence continue on the one hand. In addition, women in Burma are experiencing all sorts of contradictory conditions. The unemployment rate is around 37% nationally, and well over 40% in multiple states, including Rakhine State, the center of the current conflict. After nearly five decades of military rule and international isolation, over 30% of the population lives in poverty, with many more not far behind. While it would be easy to just condemn Buddhist-led violence against Muslims in this situation, it’s important to note the challenges facing everyday Buddhists in Burma. And along the way, Buddhists have committed numerous acts of violence and murder against Muslims, actions that Wirathu and other movement leaders deny supporting, but clearly are an outgrowth of the anti-Muslim atmosphere they have inspired. More recently, Buddhist shop owners have begun displaying 969 logos in their windows, and some also use their businesses as a place to publically air the speeches of Wirathu and others in the movement. Beginning in April 2012, boycotts of Muslim owned businesses have spread across the nation, and sympathetic lawmakers started introducing legislation sponsored by the movement. While the origins of the 969 Movement aren’t terribly clear, Wirathu’s release from prison in January 2012 and subsequent activism clearly escalated the group’s presence and efforts. Furthermore, they suggest that the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) political party, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, is being taken over by Muslims and “can’t be trusted.” Contrast this with the fact that Burma’s population is 90% Buddhist, and its Muslim community has no elected representation, and has spent decades in a highly marginalized position. The 969 Movement portrays itself as a peaceful, grassroots movement dedicated to “promoting and protecting religion.” The underlying theme of their rhetoric is the view that Islam is threatening to “overrun” Burma, and that Buddhists must stand up and “save” their way of life. ![]() ![]() Before doing so, however, I would like to briefly cover the 969 Movement and general conditions folks are facing in Burma today. The linking of Wirathu’s image with terrorism has sparked a variety of responses, a few of which I will share with you all today. A few weeks ago, Time magazine put out an issue with the provocative cover image above of Burmese monk Bhikkhu Wirathu, the leader of the ultra-nationalist 969 Movement.
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